The religious left offers a faithful alternative to the Christian right
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Words are often an obstruction to ideas and dialogue. One word … and the conversation stops. Both ends simply turn a deaf ear so that no one is heard.
The same can be said of terms, particularly those fired back and fourth across the political and religious battleground. These are every bit as antagonistic, obscuring nuance and distorting perception.
But terms are mere approximations. They are banners beneath which a diversity of beliefs and ideologies can and do exist in relative harmony.
Terms can be used as shorthand, unifying these divergent groups. Or they can be weapons, used to attack and demean the other side. It's all a matter of perspective. In the minds of some, "Christian right" is a rallying cry, a show of political force and influence. To others, it's a pejorative, an accusatory slang for right-wing intolerance.
The same duality exists within what is commonly referred to as the "religious left," the movement that positions itself as the alternative to the Christian right. This group, though quite complex, is essentially defined by its more left-leaning — or "liberal" — attitudes towards both theology and politics.
But that word … liberal … gets in the way of the movement and its message.
That's why Roger McClellan shies away from "religious left" and all that it suggests, preferring instead to be called a progressive Christian.
"The term 'left' usually means 'liberal' and that has been changed into meaning something dirty, something evil and un-American, where the term 'progressive' doesn't have that connotation yet," he says. "It denotes a further growth of Christianity and a growth in our understanding of the divine and our place within the world."
McClellan, along with his wife, Melissa, serve as co-pastors for Anniston's Prince of Peace Church, which is a mission of the Georgia-based Progressive Christian Alliance that boasts numerous affiliates from Atlanta to East Africa.
Together their mission has been to unify and welcome people, not only of all lifestyles but of all faiths as well. Such attitudes of acceptance place their ideology squarely on the side of the religious left movement.
"We're growing in number and gaining a stronger voice in the public forum," McClellan says. "I believe this is the time for the religious left to be heard."
These liberal and progressive voices are gaining recognition upon the political platform as both Republican presidential candidate John McCain and Democratic nominee Barrack Obama have addressed issues of faith and moral values in recent debates as well as campaign stops across the nation.
Though there is no homogenized theology as a whole, members of the religious left are particularly outspoken on such left-leaning issues as poverty, concern for the environment, AIDS/stem cell research, opposition to the war and gay rights.
But more than specific talking points, the religious left aims to recapture the spiritual essence of the Bible, focusing on its messages of love and kindness, generosity, peace and social justice, explains Rabbi Michael Lerner, author of Left Hand of God: The Healing of America's Political and Spiritual Crisis.
"Where the (Christian) right has taken some very peripheral issues in terms of the Bible and made them the focus," he says, "the religious left is trying to get back to the teachings of Moses, Jesus and the prophets and make those issues the center of its political involvement."
Though the terminology itself is new, the idea of a religious left has a rich history and was vital to such societal changes as Civil Rights, the anti-Vietnam movement and missions for the poor.
"Martin Luther King, Jr. was one of the eminent figures of the religious left," Lerner says. "And he is still one of its heroes."
And the religious left has experienced a "dramatic resurgence" since the 2000 election fueled by those who were disenfranchised and angered by the failures of the Bush administration, particularly in its decision to go to war in Iraq. Its steady rise is also due in part to the those within the religious community who questioned the direction of the Christian right and thus opened their eyes to a new vision, Lerner says.
"The message of the religious left is that we're opposed to using war as the primary mechanism for achieving security," he says. "Instead, we call for a strategy of generosity, where the U.S. would work to cure global poverty, inadequate education and inadequate health care.
"Social justice says that part of being a good patriot is sharing what you have with others."
Because of the recent financial crisis, the battlefronts along the so-called culture wars — especially abortion and same-sex marriages — have taken a sudden backseat in the minds of some voters.
The recent National Survey of Religion and Politics conducted by the University of Akron found that only 13 percent of voters listed moral issues as their primary concern — half that of 2004. Within the same study, it was found that the religious left is roughly the same size as the religious right, with each accounting for approximately 13 percent of the population.
Another study produced by Faith in Public Life, an organization founded in 2004 by several leaders of the religious left, uncovered dueling attitudes against such hot-button issues.
Of the more than 1,200 young adult Christians between the ages of 18 and 34 recently polled, 62 percent said that abortion was a "deal breaker" in their vote compared with 55 percent of older evangelicals. However, 44 percent of young, white evangelicals saw same-sex marriage as an important issue.
"Younger Americans, including younger Americans of faith, are not the culture war generation," said Robert Jones, president of Public Religion Research and lead analyst of the poll. "On issues from gay and lesbian rights to the role of government at home and around the world, young Catholics, mainline Protestants and evangelicals are bridging the divides that entrenched their elders and ushering in an era of consensus in which the common good trumps the clash of ideologies."
Faith plays a role in every election, whether the candidates themselves cater to it or not, explains Kimble Forrister, state coordinator of the antipoverty advocacy group Alabama Arise.
"In government, separation of church and state is a necessity," he says. "But separation of faith from life is heresy. When people step into the voting booth, they cannot divorce themselves from their faith. It would be naïve to believe otherwise."
Forrister considers members Alabama Arise (who include Methodists, Catholics, Episcopalians and Presbyterians to name a few) to be more "practical" than liberal or conservative. Therefore most would bristle if they were directly associated with the religious left.
Instead, Forrister has found it best to try and stay in the middle, appealing to the charitable nature of the right and the left.
"I think those in the middle must learn from both sides," he says. "We've got to learn to work together. That's our Christian mandate because it's easy to find dangers in both directions."
Though they are generally seen at odds with one another, there are a great many issues upon which both the Christian right and religious left can agree.
Lerner believes there have already been "drastic strides" made between the two ends of the political spectrum in terms of ecological stewardship. And if the Christian right can mobilize its influence against issues other than abortion and homosexuality, there's no limit to the progress that can be made.
"Because those aren't the real problems facing this planet," he says. "What's facing this planet is the possibility of its destruction — war, hunger, economic collapse — all of which can be blamed on society's obsession with maximizing its own self-interests.
"The right and left can improve this world if we'll work together, focusing on the teachings of love and compassion."


